A Skill To Be Learned

The civil resistance movement? This sounds old fashioned and outdated, but also avant-garde for a state, which strictly speaking, does not have many citizens, and whose citizens are leaving in haste, having lost all will and belief in the possibility of resistance. But, for those who stay, there does not seem to be any choice left. It is no longer a matter of fighting for rights and freedoms, this or that party, this or that organization, but for basic human qualities and survival.

It has become impossible to adapt and accept a state which no longer guarantees enough money to live, but threatens to take one and the other, like highwaymen. Equanimity and patience are no longer of much help. One cannot rely on the fact that Seselj and Milosevic will fix things, given a little time and some useful advice. From the way in which the new Serbian Parliament has started work, it is clear that only more of the same is wanted, and that it is working towards creating conditions which will ensure a second-rate infinity.

With regard to this, the Democratic Party's strategy looks hopeless. The opposition in the Serbian Parliament can only sit and quarrel in vain, while the decisions are made somewhere else. The result is that all will become thoroughly sick of parties and parliament, and this will be the realization of a Socialist-Radical dream. The Democrats will say that this dream will come true faster if the opposition leaves of its own volition, as DEPOS did, and that even less can be achieved outside parliament than inside it.

The truth is that the opposition risks becoming weak and disappearing both in and out of parliament. With so much army and police around, Vuk Draskovic is rash when he threatens that "the next demonstrations will not be peaceful." Nevertheless, it is necessary to leave such a parliament, not only as a matter of honor, or an obligation to voters, but because of a commitment to find other means. If a deputy's salary is his only source of income, and if he doesn't know any other honest trade, then he has no right being there.

Something akin to a civil resistance movement could be a form of defence for all of us, and it does not necessarily imply that we have to be particularly interested if the opposition parties make use of it for their purposes and their struggle to achieve power. If they wish, as seems to be the case, to put themselves at the head and organize such a movement, the parties would really have to refrain from stressing their goals, characteristics and program differences. They would have to show that they realize that politics are not just a battle for power, and that this is the only way to rehabilitate multi-party parliamentarism here.

The elections showed that the majority, for some reason, are not prepared to trust the opposition, regardless of how bad and insufferable the regime may be. This means that the opposition cannot show what it knows in a normal manner, but, on the contrary, it must do something to prove that it is working for the general interest, and then seek votes and authority. At one moment Milosevic managed to leave the impression that he was not just thinking of himself, and this, in spite of everything, is still bringing victories which cannot be explained only by control of television and trickery.

Civil self-organization has become a reality. It can be seen in the strikes and protests of various professional organizations, the many quiet boycotts and mutual help in order to survive. There is no reason why this movement should not grow with the help of the opposition which is the only factor which could consolidate it and organize it. But, without a lot of party canvassing and wooing of new members, because that would mean a return to the beginning, to the situation which preceded an unsuccessful democratization. This means that the parties must prove themselves once more, and grow out of the movement, adapt to it, and not try to take it over from the very start.

Violent methods should be forgotten at once. Illegal organizing, for some special tasks, could perhaps, be taken into consideration, "but one does not discuss these matters in the street," as once was said. Accusations that illegal and non-parliamentary activities are a communist patent, can safely be ignored. Then and now, it was the regime which rejected parliamentarism and forced different methods on opponents.

However, whoever thinks of civil resistance, would do well to study the life and work of Mahatma Gandhi. It does not matter that none of the local opposition leaders look like him, or that Slobodan Milosevic is not the British governor, or that non-violence is not part of the Serbian tradition. Gandhi's method has proved its efficiency and is not difficult to apply, especially when there is no other choice. The determination and brutality of Britain's colonial power at the time are unjustly underestimated, as they certainly surpassed the power of this regime. Finally, as regards tradition, Serbia tragically lacks the capacity for an organized expression of solidarity and civil resistance. This skill must be learned, because that is the way in which citizens and a civil state are created.

The example of Poland's Solidarity is probably not of great use, because it is impossible to organize such an efficient strike here, and also, to strike is not enough. To create new troubles and act destructively in a state as dilapidated as this one, could prove unpopular. The Socialists and Radicals would jump at the opportunity of a scapegoat they could then blame for our misery. A misery we have found ourselves in thanks to their expensive and futile war.

The civil resistance movement is certainly not worth organizing in order to stage just another demonstration, meeting or strike. It is necessary to prepare for months and years of difficult work in the field, without too much lofty politics and television chat, or, just give up immediately. A little resistance and a little effort are needed. It is better to boycott and ignore this state than be in continual conflict with it. This is the meaning of Gandhi's message. But, it would be invaluable and best of all if the movement were to show that it can replace the state, get itself organized, solve some problem, and so make a gesture of caring.

By dealing in history and fate, this state has given up on all that makes life. The opposition did not know how to make use of this, and I don't believe that they will now know how to organize a civil movement aimed at showing how a neglected society can be reborn. The task, in fact, consist in creating a parallel society, to carry out jointly and voluntarily, those jobs which a single person cannot, and the state will not, and private entrepreneurs are not interested in.

In order to know what is meant by this, one does not need faraway and foreign experiences. It would be enough to take a furtive peep at Kosovo. Civil resistance was foreign to ethnic Albanians as it is to Serbs, but they have perfected it in their struggle against this same regime. Their position and goals are somewhat different, but as far as the Socialists and Radicals are concerned, all others are ethnic Albanians.

It will naturally be uncomfortable, difficult and dangerous. There will be intimidation and violence, but we have enough of that already. Because of such things some have gone East and some West, but someone has to fly over the cuckoo's nest. Civil courage is a mark of civilization.