Skip to main content
March 8, 1993
. Vreme News Digest Agency No 76
Point of View Serbia - Montenegro

Brothers, in principle

by Stojan Cerovic

Serbs and Montenegrins are brothers, in principle. They have the same interests and they get on well, in principle. So that, in principle, there is no reason why they should not live together in one state. But information about this state, is somewhat different in real life, i.e. completely opposite.

The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has a future inasmuch as its president has authority and influence. The extent of this can be seen more clearly now by all, except by Dobrica Cosic, who, with a writer's imagination embellishes and builds up that which he has been denied in reality. It is said that Milosevic once admired Cosic - until he let him enter his field of activity, the field of naked power. And now he does not even show pity for the writer and former father of the former nation. It is very probable that Milosevic will allow Seselj to humiliate Cosic and even relieve him. One thing is for sure, the writer cannot get out without a total debacle: politically rejected by both the authorities and the opposition, and abandoned by most of his old friends, without hope that history will show understanding for what he wanted to do and forgive him.

Cosic was one of the reasons the young Montenegrin leadership agreed to a joint state, but it was certainly more important that they were not given any other choice. As an old-time nationalist, Cosic flattered and ingratiated himself with the Montenegrins, which of course would not have deceived anyone if it had not been for the army, because of which Bulatovic and Djukanovic had to pretend to naiveness and to not seeing what kind of brotherly state this would turn out to be. Cosic left the impression of cunning and they looked dumb. But to persuade someone and to cheat them when you are stronger, is never too difficult. This is not the kind of cunning one need be proud of. But, in the end, it was always possible to quote a thousand adequate reasons for this union, the same ones which held true in the case of the former Yugoslavia.

Few in Montenegro were obsessed with the idea of a state, least of all Bulatovic and Djukanovic. The long and proud history of independence fell into oblivion and Montenegro, more easily than others, agreed not to flaunt its coats of arms and flags, until it got left alone with this kind of Serbia. Montenegro found itself involved in a war around Dubrovnik, from which it emerged more closely linked to Serbia in a common disgrace. Immediately after they had put the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia together, war broke out in Bosnia, after which Montenegro fraternally shared international isolation and sanctions with Serbia. Then Cosic and Panic were given a chance, but Milosevic and Seselj won. Belgrade exported Radicals Ceko Dacevic and Branko Kostic to Montenegro, and thousands of refugees from Herzegovina. Then it was made sure that Montenegro would always be in the minority in the federal parliament, and that its participation in a symbolic government would be no more than that. Finally, it became very dangerous to take the train to Belgrade.

There is no longer one sane reason for Montenegro to remain in such a state, except brute force and fear of war. For the first time Montenegrins recoil from war, which means that they have learned something from their history. Or, perhaps they are no longer the same people. It has become obvious that nothing links them to Milosevic and Seselj anymore, but they wish to be considerate and are waiting for the right moment to slip away with as little acrimony as possible, a thing they never learned to do.

Montenegro could cope with sanctions and isolation, and even political inequality in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. But, Montenegro obviously cannot share and follow the madness of a Socialist-Radical Serbia. It cannot do so, even at the price of war, since Serbia can drag it into war again, against who knows whom, even its internal war. The Montenegrins seem to have reached the reasoning, where if one has to die, then it is better to die for one's own cause.

When I left Podgorica twenty five years ago, it seemed to me then that apart from the landscape, fragrances and air, I was not leaving anything worth remembering. And, I cannot get used to the fact that Montenegro has become more sane, moderate, civil and tolerant than Serbia. Something must have changed there, but the explanation lies in Serbia's downfall. The Serbian Parliament is coarsely quarrelsome, television intolerable, the authorities are bloody-minded and perfidiously bellicose, and the opposition ideologically backward and frustrated. Public life has become a knot of insanity, stupidity, hatred and self-delusion.

Montenegro's orientation towards Belgrade had always been motivated by Belgrade's emancipation and civilized glow, and what has remained? Only false prophets, patriotic robbers, religious fanatics, and a fantastic collection of oriental mystics, eccentrics, globe trotting deceivers and domestic fortune-tellers.

If it weren't for all this, Montenegro would find it much easier to share the punishment for war with Serbia, regardless of the fact that it was unnecessary and inhumanly waged. It would let Belgrade, as the bigger and more intelligent of the two, lead in the majority of joint endeavors and look only to protect itself from some greater injustice. But, when such undertakings are in the hands of people like Vojislav Seselj, and when insanity is institutionalized in Serbia, Montenegro has no other option, but to look out for itself, as best it can. Those Montenegrins who once admired and loved Belgrade, saw Milosevic as a statesman and Cosic as a sage, now pity this city, and know that for the first time they are more intelligent and more modern. There is nothing they can learn in Belgrade anymore, and would gladly offer it some advice, if it would bother to listen.

But, Serbia still has the army, and can find its supporters in Montenegrin politics, patriots of the Ceko Dacevic kind. They are now the main and only guarantee of Serbian-Montenegrin brotherhood and a joint state. Dobrica Cosic's cunning would not help any longer, something he himself probably knows. Two years ago he said that he would hang himself if the Chetniks came to power, but he is still in Parliament and can be seen chatting pleasantly with Dacevic who arrived there straight from jail. Cosic seems to have met with his own shadow, and cannot run anymore.

Glory be to the memory of the independent court in Bijelo Polje and let the prosecutor and his witnesses take care! Should Montenegro start disembarking from this ship of fools, the justice of the hanging judge is reserved for it, with justice meted out by robbers, arsonists and butchers masked as patriots. They will have a lot of work in Serbia when they run out of work in Bosnia.

The Serbian regime did not take advantage of any single opportunity to be defeated honorably and see to it that authority was passed over into better hands. This orgy of insanity has resulted, and is crossing all known barriers, and threatens to bring into question all theories on human nature and society. When all this ends, the world will take a long holiday, and will perhaps never hear of the Serbs again. But, Montenegro, if enough of it is left, cannot escape counting the Dacevics it has.

© Copyright VREME NDA (1991-2001), all rights reserved.