The Echoing Silence

The investigation is proceeding relatively fast, but the lack of information creates space for speculations and assumptions which the public readily accepts and even adds something of its own. Still, there are two unconfirmed versions that sound the most convincing. The furniture producing firm "Jugodrvo" which was on the verge of a financial collapse decided to join in oil imports. Last September minister Velimir Mihajlovic was acquainted with this proposal and he, allegedly, agreed, correcting by pencil the purchasing price of oil from 50 to 70 pfennigs. "Jugodrvo's" management was contented with the explanation that the government used the difference in the prices for buying weapons and military equipment, and the malicious (who are sometimes well informed) claim that part of the money was also intended for the election campaign of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). According to this version, another minister, Sava Vlajkovic, also joined the business and a buyer was found too - "Jugosecer", an association rallying 16 domestic sugar refineries which would pay "Jugodrvo" immediately, but in dinars. An unidentified buyer from abroad asked for guarantees that his oil would be paid for, so that around two million dollars were deposited in a Swiss bank. The money was ensured by "Jugodrvo's" foreign partners, but it is not known who they are. The mechanism was simple. "Jugosecer" was informed as soon as trains with fuel arrived from Romania at the customs station in Pancevo, and then it immediately paid "Jugodrvo" but in dinars. It is then that Sava Vlajkovic allegedly came in by sending to an unidentified bank a telex - an order for selling hard currency to "Jugodrvo". Since the republican minister of trade and tourism cannot issue such orders to any of the numerous commercial banks, the other options are the republican and the federal National banks. At the time, the director of the National bank of Yugoslavia was Vuk Ognjanovic, who has proved to be intolerant to such business deals, so that this institution can also be ruled out. In any case, "Jugodrvo" got hard currency to pay for the oil. The money would arrive in Hungary in suitcases (or bags, depending on what one preferred), sometimes even escorted by the police and it was transferred to Switzerland through postal banks. When the Hungarians found this out (once the money was saved when the automobile fled to "no man's land") a new way was found. "Jugodrvo's" couriers had to fly to Cyprus where the local bankers charged a lot for their services. It was, of course, only the money intended for the buyer that arrived in Switzerland.

The surplus of 5.7 or even 20 pfennigs per liter was sent to the bank accounts of Yugoslav firms in Hungary, and the most often mentioned among them is one with a exotic name - "Amerikana". Thus the money was "laundered", but the way in which this was done has not been quite clarified. It is logical that the money was presented as these firms' profit from other business deals. The money intended for the "government" would return to Yugoslavia in the same way - in a suitcase. It is assumed that the courier was precisely the director of "Jugodrvo" in Budapest, Branimir Vukovic, who was killed in a traffic accident on March 5th between Belgrade and Novi Sad. The story that he was carrying hard currency even when he was killed is confirmed by the unsuccessful attempts to come by the report on the accident and to find the investigating judge in charge of the case. When returning to the country, the money first came to "Jugodrvo" in order to be given to ministers Vlajkovic and Mihajlovic. It was first packed in bags each of which had a little tag showing the amount and the currency (the payments weren't made only in Deutsche marks, but also in Dutch guilders, Austrian schillings...). The ministers were paid in "Jugodrvo's" offices, but also in other places like restaurant "Rad", across the Security Institute. There were no receipts or written documents and director general Dobrasin Ralevic was most often in contact with the ministers. True, people from "Jugodrvo" weren't very willing to leave him alone with so much money so that occasionally also present were the president of the managerial board Gojko Zecar and the director in charge of foreign trade, Aleksandar Matijevic (it is said that he packed the money in bags and calculated the value in Deutsche marks). It is claimed that the ministers were against broadening the circle of those acquainted with the affair (it's a top secret, for God's sake) so that Zecar and Matijevic didn't come too often. It is claimed that the ministers were paid around two million marks. Part of this money was found in the place Mihajlovic mentioned (it was no field as was initially said), but there is no trace of the rest, if there was anything at all.

It is possible that part of the money never left Hungary and that it is still waiting for its owner there. In any case, 40-48 tons of oil were imported in this way so that the overall value of the transaction could be calculated without any problem. "Jugosecer" thus got fuel, the ministers got money, and "Jugodrvo" also got its share by taking a 20 percent commission for mediating. It is important to say that, as far as it is known, neither of "Jugodrvo's" directors took anything for themselves - the profit was used for salaries. According to the other, less probable version, "Jugodrvo" sold oil to Montenegro and there is mention of three railway compositions which the other member of the Yugoslav federation paid for in hard currency, at a higher price than the purchasing one. The difference in the prices went to "Jugodrvo".

It should be pointed out that there is still no official confirmation of the mentioned information and that there, probably, won't be any before the investigation is completed. Unofficial information is made public cautiously and it is timed to serve the interests of the defense which are often disparate.

There are many open questions: Did the ministers really get the money? How did they spend it? What kind of documentation "covered" the difference between the real price of the fuel and the obtained hard currency? Did anyone ask for papers? Why did the money intended for the ministers return to the country when it was more natural to keep it in foreign banks, far from curious eyes? How did Vukovic die? And how did Nikolic? Who was the oil seller from abroad? Who deposited the money as a guarantee? In which banks? Who of the top Serbian officials from the economic and political spheres are involved in the affair? Those who could perhaps answer these questions are dead (Vukovic, Nikolic), far away, silent, mysterious or in jail (Vlajkovic and Mihajlovic). The public will find out the details about the business deals they were involved in later on, at the trial, if it takes place. The possible trial will be a good opportunity to find out something more and to take the blame off the innocent, if there are any. Perhaps someone will be done injustice which will not be easily corrected, but it is more probable that many of the culprits will get away with what they had done.

The currently topical dilemma is called Radoman Bozovic. The former Serbian prime minister protected his friend Sava Vlajkovic for a long time even when the employees of "Borovo" shouted in the streets "Sava, you thief!" Contrary to his usual practice, Bozovic is now silent, not denying the rumors in the press that he was interrogated and accused of being involved in the scandal. Milosevic's close associate is probably ignoring the well-intentioned advice that those who are being publicly mentioned in connection with the "ministerial affair" should speak out. Bozovic's silence is echoing like thunder.