Socialist at Heart

The Belgrade Board of the Serbian Socialist Party has recently taken a decision that "Jugoskandik" be returned all the money that Boss Jezda had earlier invested in the party's pre-election campaign, so that the damaged depositors are refunded to the last dinar. This decision does not seem to have profoundly moved the swindled depositors.

It is not clear, for example, how much money the Serbian Socialist Party will return to "Jugoskandik" (Jezdimir Vasiljevic has mentioned the "state racket" of 200,000 DM), nor is it indicated where the money is to be obtained if it had already been spent in the pre-election campaign.

In the last week's interview with the Novi Sad weekly "Novosadski index", the number one man of the Belgrade Socialists and the head of the City's Government, Nebojsa Covic, admitted that Jezdimir Vasiljevic had "substantially financed the Serbian Socialist Party, but on a completely voluntary basis." In the same interview Covic claimed that it was obvious that Vasiljevic had financed many parties as he "had probably counted on reaping some benefits". However, Covic also voiced serious doubts that "some secret counter-organizations from abroad" might be behind Vasiljevic's money. As far as Boss Jezda is concerned, he said that he was ready to finance (sponsor) the civil war in Serbia, but that he was not particularly interested in taking a direct part in it.

It is already noticeable that none of the party leaders has found it appropriate to deny a part of Covic's statement, where he claimed that Jezdimir Vasiljevic "had obviously financed many parties". Nor has the public acknowledgment by the Serbian Socialist Party, that its campaign was partly financed with the money of the "Jugoskandik" savings account holders prompted the opposition to try and score some political points on this fact. What logically explains the hesitance may be the assumption that no one is quite sure what revelations could be made from a more serious peek into their own party tills and donors' lists. When it comes to the financing of the political parties, it seems that a recent election jingle of the Belgrade's Serbian Socialist Party, "all of us are socialist a little" has been tacitly applied.

Out law, which is imprecise and ambiguous, prohibits the parties to receive money from foreign governments, state bodies, companies and individuals, excluding citizens' associations. The amount received from anonymous donors should not exceed 3 percent of the yearly net influx. What all this looks like in practice was shown by the "Jugoskandik" affair and the claim by Nebojsa Covic that the Serbian Socialist Party was obliged to "stand up for the secrecy of the information", that the funds for this party's campaign actually came from Boss Jezda. The other parties also claim that the lists of their donors are in most cases available only to the members of the parties' executive boards and are not accessible to the public at large, since the donors wish it so. However, the interpretation of the Serbian Ministry of Justice points at something completely different. The Ministry says that the concept of a party's business secret does not exist as the law explicitly states that the party's sources of income are public and that each citizen may have insight into their dealings.

The public and the citizens are left to make guesses as to who makes donations to the political parties. As the recent extremely costly pre-election campaign could not have been financed with the money, collected from the membership fees, voluntary donations, sales of the party's buttons or symbolic state subsidies, the public has these days launched its own initiative and begun to "pinpoint" wealthy party donors.

Thus, Jezdimir Vasiljevic and Zivadin Mihajlovic, nicknamed Zika Mustikla, who is the director of the "Stankom Corporation" and the federal MP of the Serbian Socialist Party, are being mentioned as the main financiers of the Serbian Socialist Party. The trump card of the Serbian Renewal Movement is allegedly this party's deputy leader Dragoslav Milicic, who has recently admitted in his statement to the Belgrade daily "Politika" that he had built the party's premises in Andre Nikolic Street, which he gave to the Presidency of the Serbian Renewal Movement for a free of charge use. On the other hand, Djordje Zecevic, the owner of the "Velauto" car sales company, and Radoje Djukic, the owner of the "Djukic Knitted Wear" company, represent the financially most powerful people of the Democratic Party. It could be heard in the Democratic Party on several occasions that this party has best educated and wealthiest membership, so that significant portion of financing is based on "internal forces." The Democrats also have the "Copy right protection" agency, which, as some claim, covers a half of the party's budget.

The Serbian Socialist Party and the Communist Alliance-the Movement for Yugoslavia are by far the richest parties. They have with no grounds for it inherited a considerable property of the then Yugoslav Communist Party. They, thus, put themselves in the most favorable position, beyond comparison, and in advance downplayed the importance of any laws on financing the parties and on the rules of conduct. According to some estimates, the then Yugoslav Communist Party in the former Yugoslavia left in its wake the property, whose value was assessed at some 94 million DM. A significant part of the property (e.g. 15,500 square meters of office space) was taken over by the Communist Alliance-the Movement for Yugoslavia, which now owns, among others, the prosperous "Comet" holding company as well. But, much more has gone to the Serbian Socialist Party, which , besides the vast property, owns 25 companies and agencies, from whose profits 114 municipal branches of this party are financed.

Although it is still impossible to foresee the ultimate consequences of the "Jugoskandik" affair, it is already clear, that this time the opposition will make some gains without specific merits and despite its surprising silence. The claim of the number one man of the Belgrade Socialists that there are "secret agencies from abroad" behind Vasiljevic simply speaking means that those who have used his money are also connected through that money with the foreign services. Therefore, they may no longer boast of their patriotism while simultaneously libeling others foreign mercenaries, with no proof whatsoever.

The motion, which the opposition moved in the Serbian Parliament last year, that the Inquiry Committee be formed, which would look into the parties' tills seems to be relevant today. Moreover, every serious state should know and make public those who invest into politics, as well as how those who receive and spend the funds act. Those in this business, and in many other similar ones, who are far beyond us, often comfort themselves after an affair is over by saying that "they have the best politicians money can buy." We are lagging far behind them. But, the sums which are these days being mentioned regarding the "ministerial affair" could have "bought" much better politicians.