The Long Hand of the Secret Police

Why is the opposition here so weak, unorganized and divided? Or: what is wrong with the people? Why so many wrong reactions and such a mess in the heads of otherwise calm people? Why is that they are incapable of recognizing their own basic goal; and are so disoriented that they cannot even name the guilty ones, if they can't do anything to improve things? Where does all this fear come from when there doesn't seem anything left to lose? What invisible forces are making all solutions impossible, all hope futile, and the future unrealistic?

There are many answers to these questions and for those who love secrets, here is one explanation. It's name is UDBA (the former Yugoslav secret service - ed. note). It's an old and familiar story, but obviously unfinished, so that it would be worthwhile to recall the beginnings.

Communism was the regime of the secret police. The setting up of this organization was the first concern of the Communists in power, and it was the only thing that functioned faultlessly. All other institutions and society could be based on fictions, lies and illusions, but the police were real and powerful, as it was their duty to keep vigil over the Communist dream.

In its heyday, UDBA recruited only the best, most talented and most imaginative, those who thought it an honor to be chosen. And with regard to authority, the possessor of a black identity card could stop the "Simplon Express" out in the open. If you ask yourself how the engine driver knew he was out there, the answer is he didn't. He would stop as soon as he saw someone in a black leather coat making signs. These men could arrest anyone, ransack an apartment or draw a gun if they thought it necessary, without fearing that they would make a mistake or be held responsible for overstepping their competencies.

UDBA controlled UDBA. They had access to inexhaustible funds and could follow the latest trends in police equipment and technology. The presence of the UDBA has for decades been regarded as a constant of public life here, even by people who kept far from all politics. Thousands of innocent people believed that their phones were tapped, their post opened, that they had dossiers somewhere or that some neighbor or friend was denouncing them to UDBA. Many were probably right in assuming this.

UDBA was known to liquidate its political enemies abroad, and at home to plant false evidence, secure false witnesses and really build up an indictment. When punishments were still meted for enemy propaganda, practically everything could be used as evidence and everyone could be found guilty, so that the selection was left up to UDBA. Ultra-leftists were arrested, as were anarcho-liberals, and a motley collection of nationalists. In this matter UDBA followed current political demands regarding the type and number of enemies.

UDBA, however, did not just carry out arrests, it also knowledgeably shaped a good part of social life. It knew how to spin intrigues and rumors, to spoil old friendships and make new ones, or speed up divorces and marriages in the interests of the state. Some people were broken, some careers were cut short, while others were promoted very quickly, gained fame, status and recognition. UDBA's quiet and anonymous employees were satisfied with the knowledge that they were the only ones who knew how certain people had succeeded, and sometimes they would seek some small proof of gratefulness to the Service.

I believe that there is no single scientific or university archive in this country which has not been conscientiously processed and brought up to date, and studied so assiduously. Agreed, UDBA is probably not what it used to be, but I don't doubt that it is a service which has been least affected by the changes and tremors of the past years. UDBA's archives now probably suffer a surplus of data, because many people who were interesting from the point of view of security, no longer are. The interests and objects of protection have also changed. It is possible, however, to reconstruct the network and offer secret users a complete picture of connections and relations between people whom it is necessary to influence.

Those who like to discover Masonic fingers in various issues, and conspiracies of all sorts, should first ask themselves what has happened to UDBA. Has anybody heard that it has been dissolved, or transformed into a share-holding company, or that the archives have been burned, or made accessible to the public?

Has anyone noticed UDBA's former agents standing on street corners selling secrets for small sums? Has the multi-party system marked the end of UDBA by any chance?

Legal and public opposition activities have certainly cut down a part of the political police activities, but UDBA has remained the strongest party in Serbia. Its structure is untouched, its members pledged to absolute loyalty. No one knows anything about them while they know a lot about others. UDBA organized the "anti-bureaucratic rallies" and toppled the authorities in Vojvodina and Montenegro. UDBA must have played an important role in the initial actions of the wars in Croatia and Bosnia. An operator from Sarajevo once bragged to me that his generation of UDBA operators had broken up Bosnia. They all went their ways and carried out their tasks.

Of course, UDBA likes to overestimate its merits and power. This is natural for those who can observe you without your knowledge. However, a lot is happening in Serbia today which cannot be explained satisfactorily if this service is not borne in mind.

UDBA's subtle hand can be seen in the dismissal of Dobrica Cosic. In the arrest of Vuk Draskovic too, but not so subtle this time. UDBA's experts must be responsible for Seselj's meteoric career, his being well-informed on everything and everybody, as well as the imaginative slander and intrigues spread by him.

Secret police experts know how to influence relations between people and parties in the opposition, how to spoil all agreements, encourage suspicion and rivalry, and how to sabotage actions. I am not saying that opposition leaders boast great political talents and wisdom, but without UDBA's help, they wouldn't be so helpless. This secret police party has its members in all parties. If opposition parties were to start looking for them, uncovering them and cleaning up their ranks, that would be UDBA's total triumph. Imputations and inventing false collaborators while masking real ones, has always been UDBA's greatest weapon, while the atmosphere of suspicion would destroy the opposition.

The opposition however, cannot demand that the work of the secret police be public, but it can collect evidence of its political abuse, and make constant demands for a better control of its work. Chances of something being done on this matter are not great, and are becoming increasingly smaller. As with Communism, the structure of the political police is immune to changes, and can only be broken. But matters have taken a different course in Serbia. The regime has managed to create many real enemies and to surround itself with dangers. This is an ideal atmosphere for a new and uncontrolled flourish of the secret police.

UDBA has done its best in creating a climate of chaos and hopelessness, and of compromising everything which could start resembling stable institutions and a legal order. The police have abruptly gained in strength. They are getting more money, new equipment and greater competencies. This was demonstrated clearly by the treatment of Danica and Vuk Draskovic, and later manipulations with medical reports. Once again UDBA is arresting, beating, judging, banning and getting ready to rejuvenate itself.

Perhaps they won't reach the end in this. Perhaps those members of the opposition who caution that the fate of Vuk Draskovic awaits them all, are not right. The regime could decide to tolerate an opposition which would promise to remain as harmless as it had been so far, and to just break Draskovic who wouldn't agree to such a role. Politically viewed, that would be the worst outcome, one promising an inferior infinity. Vuk Draskovic's defence is already being reduced to a medical-humanitarian one. If it remains so, they will let him go, safe in the knowledge that there won't be a single free man in Serbia for a long time to come.