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January 9, 1995
. Vreme News Digest Agency No 171
Diary

Switching Off

by Stojan Cerovic

All agree that the electricity cuts and the restriction of the independent press are the raison d'etre for the spreading of darkness. But what exactly was the line of reasoning followed by the man who allowed, or decided to set up, this direct but banal link between these two forms of darkness? Why have we been offered such an obvious challenge and reason to protest against darkness? Why now? Apart from being a dirty trick, is there something more to it all?

As usual, some of us think that the whole matter pertains to mere stupidity, others that it is a big mistake which should be taken advantage of, some look at it as a long-term perfidious plan, while others again view the whole situation as an accidental set of circumstances. Some will say that because of the electricity shortages the press has become more important, and that this is the reason that Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic has decided to devote his attention to the Belgrade daily "Borba". Others hold that Milosevic believes that the strangling of "Borba" will pass unnoticed during the problems which have arisen over the electricity supply. Or that the anger over electricity shortages will be laid at the feet of the opposition and the independent media. It would be possible to uphold the theory that the matter concerns creating a clash between citizens suffering electricity cuts and unpatriotic elements who wish to defend "Borba". Namely, during times that Milosevic hankers after, all state concerns were regarded as an opportunity to caution and silence one's opponents. It used to be said: must there be protests just ahead of the nonaligned countries' summit, or a state visit, or in the middle of the harvest, or summer, or winter... It was believed that all those who wished to criticize the state always picked an importune moment out of spite and malice. It would be typical of Milosevic and his associates to follow this line of reasoning: just now when we are negotiating peace and the lifting of sanctions, and the citizens are stoically suffering electrical shortages, some journalists have to make trouble and throw a spanner in the works. However, it is a paradox that the few independent papers still around managed to survive the war, which could have been taken as a golden opportunity for getting rid of them, once and for all.

But, while he was waging war, Milosevic felt safe and untouchable and he could afford the luxury of not caring about what others wrote about him. Now, I believe he wishes to show us that, in Serbia at least, there is a deeper link between war and freedom of the press. It is as if we got embroiled in the war because of a surplus of freedom and democracy, so that now, in the name of peace, this must be cut down to a harmless minimum. However, we all know that it wasn't "Borba" which pushed us into the war, but rather Milosevic's press and television.

In a way, the same logic led to the terrible and scandalous 11-year prison sentence given to General Trifunovic, a man who realized the futility of sacrificing his soldiers in a pointless and senseless war. While a war policy was in force, Trifunovic was declared innocent twice, only to be sentenced in peacetime when it became necessary to demonstrate the state's power. Probably so that all, but especially the Army, might realize that this is not a demoralized regime which admits its mistakes or forgives those who were right while it sinks into the mud of pacifism.

Yugoslavia's pulling out of the war has brought about another change which we still don't know how to celebrate. We finally have problems which concern only us. We are no longer a thorn in the eye of the international order. Domestic hydrophobia will no longer be exported or spread across the border, at least not wholesale. Of course, Milosevic will tell the world: "If you want peace, then you'll get it with me and my party. So don't harass me and don't switch the lights on until I've removed all who disagree with me." The world will give its blessing and say that it is our internal affair, meaning that the UN Security Council and NATO will no longer be dealing with us and that we will be passed on to lower ranking institutions, such as various human rights and freedom committees, including those concerned with the survival of endangered animals.

If you think that you don't have to choose between electricity and "Borba", peace and freedom, the Army and the Police, Milosevic and Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, you must know that you are alone, but that you're not the only person who thinks this way. It is the task of the independent press to assure you regularly that you are not insane because out of two good things you want both, and out of two evils you don't want either. But Milosevic wants each one of us to feel like a last and only madman.

I believe that he is very much bothered by the fact that "Borba" is read masochistically by himself and all his associates, while at the same time he doesn't wish to know that things really stand as set down in the paper. This is why, for some time at least, an effort will be made at printing a new "Borba", even if no one wishes to buy it. Milosevic would prefer not to know anything about the whole affair, but would like to be given the same paper one day and be pleasantly surprised.

Nevertheless, it would be unjust to say that there was a tendency towards total darkness or that this is possible. Milosevic believes in twilight, semi-darkness, a controlled amount of light. Just as with electricity, he would like to switch it on and off and to whomsoever he wishes. The important thing is to know whose finger is on the switch. Milosevic doesn't need total ignorance, but a situation in which someone will always be on duty to tell us what is important and what we must pay attention to. Thus, with time we will begin believing that only that which concerns the regime is important to us, and we will accept their interests and their enemies as our own. But we are no longer duty bound to study their motives and rack our brains over why Slobodan Milosevic is switching off the last lamps. It is no longer healthy for us to ask WHY? In searching for an explanation, we are losing time and energy in avoiding recognition of a bare force which is a goal unto itself. All other explanations would simply be a justification. If at this moment we don't have the strength or knowledge to face the issue, it is our duty not to lie or listen to the regime's reasons for stifling freedom of the press. Especially not reasons concerning irregularities over property transformation. We have a President who thinks that we have forgotten what real authority is and what our obligations as subjects are. He thinks that we have become a bit undisciplined while he waged war and that we don't appreciate the fact that he has left most of us alive. He is now telling us: authority is when I can do what I want with you, and you hate me, and you can't do a thing about it. You don't dare tell me you hate me. Those who would dare have no means of doing so. And when I loosen the strings a bit, and when you get a bit of electricity, you'll even learn to love me. Then I'll allow some freedom of the press. You won't believe those who'll rant against me. You'll know that only I can save you from ME.

What can we say to this?

The answer to this question contains the essence of Serbia's political life. If we say: That's right Mr. President, you've put it nicely; you've described us well; we don't need electricity or independent papers; or rather, as much as You think necessary. Or if we say: Just go back to waging war and we'll forgive you for everything and agree that those independent papers are just treacherous shit. Or: We've had it with war and terror, stupidity and hatred, looting and lying, but most of all we've had it with you and your violence.

Therefore, war and peace are not the only great issue of division and clash. Along with his peace policy, Milosevic has pushed through and shown the stick he intends to hit us with. He who was a war leader obviously finds it hard to imagine an authority which wouldn't resort to violence from time to time. His peace does not bring more reason and tolerance or the renewal and consolidation of democratic rules and institutions. His peace looks as if war has come home.

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