The Right-Wing Conflict

It is, however, certain that Dragan Bogdanovski, its founder and spiritual father (who was known as the public enemy no. 3, after Djilas and Vlado Dapcevic (one of the dissidents of the socialist regime)) formed it in March 1990 in Sweden. After a few conspiratorial meetings in various locations in Munich, Berlin, Skoplje and others, with the beginning of Party pluralism, VMRO- DPMNE was constituted in Macedonia as well, in the June of last year.

After the visit to the Macedonian diaspora in the USA and Canada, Bogdanovski announced the final political and Party split with the actual president of the "most Macedonian" party. In short, Bogdanovski is accusing Georgijevski of being a Bugarophile and of forging close links with the notorious pro-Bulgarian "elements", whose work was clearly inspired and financed by the anti-Macedonian Bulgarian politics and its secret police.

Bogdanovski claims that Georgijevski throughout his visit to America and Canada was, of his own free will, in "the hands" of the MPO (the Macedonian Patriotic Organization), whose sole aim was to prove that Macedonians are, in effect, Bulgarians; the organization whose strength "after it was disowned by the Macedonian emigration, depends only on the support it is getting from Sofia".

Bogdanovski writes: "Although Ljupco Georgijevski was officially invited by the VMRO-DPMNE section to Toronto, who paid for his and his wife's air fare, he ran away from his Party comrades and went to the USA. In the period between November 1 and November 11 when he returned to Toronto, Ljupco Georgijevski was the guest of the Bugaroman organization.

Speculations, and later claims, that the present VMRO-DPMNE is "in contact" with the ideological centre in Sofia, has spread to Macedonia soon after the elections. The frequent symptoms of such an activity of this Party could have been noticed after the analysis of statements, interviews, the political moves and a certain general ideological conception of numerous leading party men, as well as Georgijevski himself. The leadership of VMRO and Georgijevski justified this by the need to change the relations of the "nervous' Macedonian politics whenever Bulgaria and its politics were in question, so that Macedonia would finally start the "constructive" political stand with Bulgaria. In vain were all the warnings to the VMRO leadership that Bulgaria did not flinch a bit from its notorious attitude of refusing to recognize the Macedonian nationality, which Georgijevski and his like-minded comrades qualified as " the communist conspiracy " against VMRO - DPMNE , "anti-Macedonian", "Yugoslavism", "Serbophilia" etc.

However, the braver analysts went so far as to claim that the final aim of the political platform of VMRO is for Macedonia to leave Yugoslavia but not to be constituted as a state, so that it would be an easier prey for the Bulgarian territorial and nationalist aspirations, whereby certain parts of Macedonia would be given over to Albania and Serbia. These intentions could be recognized in Georgijevski's endeavours against the referendum in Macedonia, in the blocking of the process concerning the passing a new Macedonian constitution, in overthrowing the state Macedonian politicians, headed by Gligorov (the Macedonian president) with the qualifications of the "anti-Macedonian activities" etc. Finally, Georgijevski did not miss the opportunity to, on the occasion of resigning before the Parliament, file vicious allegations against Kiro Gligorov (the Macedonian president), describing everything the Macedonian state undertook internally and externally...

It was in the view of this that the present accusations of Bogdanovski against his former close associate carry enormous political weight. Bogdanovski himself admits that "because of his pronounced anti-Yugoslav character VMRO-DPMNE has from the outset served as a shelter for the Bugarophiles.

Bogdanovski then goes on to say that he had been familiar with this but that since the main battle within the republic was being waged against the Yugoslav states, he considered that even the Bugarophile fanatics will be useful in destroying Yugoslavia. The divisions within the VMRO leadership, as well as among its membership and sympathizers is obvious. There is an increasing number of VMRO faithfuls who do not trust their charismatic leader any longer.

Many questions will be posed at the meeting of the Party Central Committee scheduled for December 1, and it will not come as a surprise if VMRO is forced to organize a Party Congress, to clear up the issue of supremacy within the Party.