Who Stole The Tarts?

It is said that the British Parliament can do everything except turn men into women. The Serbian Assembly can do much more. On Monday the Radicals managed to convince Democratic Party (DS) leader Zoran Djindjic and Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) leader Vojislav Kostunica that they should support the Radical candidate (economist Jorgovanka Tabakovic) for the post of Speaker of the Serbian Assembly. Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) leader Vuk Draskovic stalled a little, saying that he would have to consult with his deputy group. On Tuesday Draskovic said that the Democratic Movement of Serbia (DEPOS) had accepted the kind of ``compromise'' under which it didn't get anything while the SPS took everything.

It was learned, that during the negotiations, the SPS offered everything to everybodytwo vicepresidential places, ten deputy places in the Federal Assembly, twelve ministerial places minus the posts of Prime Minister and Minister of Police and President of the Chamber of Republics in the Federal Assembly... there were hints of diplomatic posts, etc. The opposition wanted only one postthat of Speaker in the Serbian Assembly, and that is why an agreement wasn't reached.

In the complex situation the Radicals did their best to pay back the Socialists (attacking the authorities) and to thwart the other parties from reaching an agreement (a concession to the authorities). SRS deputy Tomislav Nikolic accused Draskovic of ``handing over the Assembly,'' thus making it possible for the Socialists to control all the bodies and of dictating the daily agenda.

After a secret ballot, it came out that the SPS candidate got four opposition votes. Dragan Tomic was elected Speaker of the Serbian Assembly, and the opposition started searching for the ``traitors.''

The DS led by Zoran Djindjic were the prime suspects. Draskovic said that what had happened was a disgrace and treachery.

The DSS headed by Vojislav Kostunica left the DS deputy group because of suspicions that the supervision of the voting in the DS was not as had been agreed in the first round. There were bitter complaints that Djindjic`s party had ``crossed over to the side of the SPS.'' (A day later Kostunica left the door for cooperation with Djindjic ajar).

Djindjic left the impression of being confused and gave contradictory statements, like a groggy boxer. He left Belgrade immediately after the session, ``in order to rest.'' This means that the scandal did surprise him and that he didn't have a ready answer.

Djindjic demanded that the other party leaders apologize for ``meanness.'' He later decided to freeze all agreements with the SPO and Seselj.

In the end Djindjic launched the theory of a surplus of ballots. Under this scenario, the Socialists (or the secret police) reached an agreement with four opposition deputies to whom they gave the ``surplus'' ballots, which they later, after passing the control in their deputy group, dropped into the ballot box.

Djindjic claims that there is no way of proving how many surplus ballots were printed. The printing of the ballots was supervised by a Radical party member, who was supposed to do so with the help of Assembly secretary Ljiljana Petrovic (SPS). Ms Petrovic's post hangs in the balance since the opposition parties have reached an agreement to have her dismissed.

The Democratic Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (DZVM) deputies abstained, and are the only ones with a watertight alibi in the whole story. They showed everybody the different colored ballots which they carried around as souvenirs. Two more deputies who handed in void ballots got away without an investigation by the opposition.

The dilemma lies in deciding which opposition party stood to gain from the scandal. Djindjic won the elections thanks to his careful strategy with regard to Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, and it is unlikely that he could have had any interest in a scandal or a rapprochement with the Socialists, right after the showdown for party leadership in the DS. Some of his critics claim that he owed Tomic, who also heads the Serbian largest petrol company, a personal debt, because the DS had enough gasoline during last year's campaign. This does not make Djindjic look like the wily trader, not because his campaign slogan was ``Honestly,'' but because a good trader would never risk his credibility over a trifle. If this is what really happened, then those who claim that Djindjic is not interested in Parliament, but in business, are right. This week Djindjic reiterated that the DS would not take part in the future government, and after this scandal, it would be tempting fate to do exactly that.

In his public appearances Djindjic has started mentioning the possibility of new elections (so has Kostunica), which again eliminates the possibility of his making a move tantamount to political suicide. The amount of energy Djindjic invested in winning the DS leadership does not point to a suicidal streak. Djindjic himself rejects the possibility of revenge by an opposition current in the DS. The DS deputy group does not have many supporters of deposed DS leader Dragoslav Micunovic.

The DEPOS members were supervised by the Democrats and the Radicals. The Radicals could have been motivated to break Djindjic, and prevent a separate agreement between the 3D (the three democratically oriented partiesDS, DSS and DEPOS). The SRS still regard the DS as being proEuropean and farther from the SPS. DEPOS deputy Milan Bozic said: ``Perhaps the Radicals switched the ballots, even though their candidate was in the running...''

The Socialists (the hardline branch) might have had a reason to disqualify Djindjic. Before the session, SPS deputy Radmilo Bogdanovic said ironically that the SPS would propose a good Speaker and ended his speech with Djindjic's campaign slogan``Honestly!''. They may have decided that he was too ambitious and needed to be taken down a peg a or two. This scandal has proved once more that the opposition is far from being united.