Djukanovic Under Attack

Two days after he took the Lord’s name in vain (VREME 331), Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic came under coordinated attack by the Belgrade state media. A comment by RTS on Saturday February 22 (carried the next day by Politika daily, said Djukanovic "attacked his Democratic Party of Socialists’ coalition partner who brought him to power in a Belgrade opposition weekly" and that "he has joined forces with the people who have spent months, luckily without succeeding, trying to topple the current authorities in Belgrade and destabilize Serbia."

Djukanovic "known for liking to lecture everyone" was accused of "speaking publicly, primarily as the aggressive promoter and agent of the constantly present pretender to the authorities in Serbia, US businessman of Serbian origin, Milan Panic".

Panic was said to have "become the majority owner of Galenika in suspicious circumstances" and that "with the help of Djukanovic and former ministers in his failed government who spent the winter marching through Belgrade blowing whistles, he is trying to impose himself as a candidate for the Serbian presidency, a post which he failed to win in the latest elections because he was thoroughly defeated by the current president of Serbia".

The comment said that "the overambitious Montenegrin prime minister and some of his henchmen across the world, such as the infamous Ratko Knezevic in New York, put himself in the service of the failed constant pretenders to the Serbian authorities to who, with any doubt, the interests of Serbia and Yugoslavia and its citizens are far behind their personal interests and the interests of foreign elements they serve and who want nothing good for Serbia and Yugoslavia".

Novi Sad daily Dnevnik published an article by Miras Jovic (carried on February 25 by state daily Borba) which said that "some have forgotten pre-election promises and are fiercely attacking the republic of Serbia and its leadership elected by the people", that "the young Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, who jumped from pullovers into Dior and Armani suits, is in the forefront of that dirty game." The Dnevnik writer claimed that "Djukanovic’s brother in law Mesa Kolarevic became one of the richest people in Montenegro overnight" and that "he is the best know Montenegrin sheik" and that now "together with Branko Vujosevic and Vesko Baranovic, he is the Montenegrin "Philip Morris". The article also claimed that "health minister Miomir Mugosa is one of the pillars of Djukanovic’s business dealings".

The story then goes back to Milan Panic to say that Djukanovic sold him all the pharmacies in Montenegro which were owned by Montenafarm.

On February 25, RTS carried a statement in its main evening news which said that the Dnevnik bureau and its correspondent in Podgorica were threatened after the comment and called for their protection.

The public in Montenegro was informed of Djukanovic’s interview with VREME. The state radio and TV devoted 15 minutes to the interview. Pobjeda daily carried the whole interview which drew great interest and was discussed widely. the Djukanovic-Milosevic dispute has been present constantly in the press for the past year. On February 8, 1996, Djukanovic criticized the Yugoslav National Bank (NBJ) and its Program 2 as a sign "of a lack of intention to resolve the capital economic and political issue (privatization)" which he said "is casting doubts not only a speedy and efficient return to international economic trends but also the adopted strategy and concept of Montenegro’s economic development".

Dnevnik’s comment accused Djukanovic of "keeping quiet about being the main person to blame for the failed project (Montenegro as an off-shore state) which cost hundreds of thousands of dollars".

Belgrade daily Dnevni Telegraf said on Sunday, February 23 that the cause for the escalation of the clash was the division of federal posts which left Montenegro short of the one post it wanted - the Governor of the NBJ - and the post of federal customs chief. FRY President Zoran Lilic indicated that a new federal government, headed by Radoje Kontic, could be appointed early in March.

Some statements indicated that the clash goes deeper than just a few federal posts. Zarko Bogetic, an International Monetary Fund (IMF) expert, told Pobjeda daily that Montenegro can become an equal member of the IMF and World Bank since there are a number of countries which have monetary or trade unions with other countries and have representatives in key international bodies allowing them independent access to official and private capital and know-how. Last Friday (February 21), Djukanovic said Montenegro is preparing alternative programs to link with international institutions.

VREME’s Podgorica correspondent Velizar Brajovic said he believes Montenegro’s top state leaders have reached agreement on their next steps and that their agreement grew stronger when they refused to secure an acceptable post for Milosevic. Brajovic quoted a high ranking official in Podgorica who said that the assessment now is that, in retaliation, Montenegro will be refused approval by the federal authorities to join international financial institutions independently. "That approval won’t come as long as Milosevic is in power," the source said. All that should be taken in the context of federal Prime Minister Radoje Kontic’s statement that that Yugoslavia is threatened by a 2.5 billion foreign trade deficit this year.

Another cause for the clash has also become public knowledge. Djukanovic issued a statement through the Montenegrin Trade Chamber in Washington saying he was disappointed with a statement by the FRY foreign ministry which spoke of "a harsh and unacceptable manner of interference in our internal affairs" after last month’s visit by US congressmen to Belgrade and Podgorica. Djukanovic said that he "sincerely hopes that US congressional delegations will continue visiting Montenegro" and added that "they are welcome to undertake their fact-finding missions in our country even if they are refused entry to Serbia".

Judging by repeated phrases in the series of attacks on Djukanovic (mention of his premiership being his first job, the words arrogant and conceited, his alleged threats of arresting political opponents) the whole thing was preceded by a briefing for editors.

The escalation of the verbal war has seen the Serbian state media open their personal file on the Montenegrin prime minister which was prepared earlier for the final bout. The Serbian state TV is being used as the heaviest artillery for political duels with mention being made of reasons of state, an ominous reminder of the media war just prior to the breakup of the former Yugoslavia. As usual, viewers and readers aren’t told what the man said or even the name of the publication he gave the interview to.

The ruling elite hasn’t used this kind of language since the 1987 Eighth session of the Serbian League of Communists (when Milosevic grabbed power). Serbian and Montenegrin political circles have never seen a clash like this not even during the anti-bureaucracy revolution in 1988.

The time Mira Markovic, without mentioning any names, attacked "someone’s crazy servants" and the smuggling and "sale of Montenegro" and the Montenegrin prime minister spoke of her visit to China as "a geography lesson at the expense of the state" seems like a pleasant chat now. The public is being reminded of the time the people took to the streets to bring Milosevic to power and is being asked "who Djukanovic is speaking for", and is being forced to think of conspiracies, the fate of the FRY and joint Serbian-Montenegrin state.

Pobjeda published an article by Vladan Micunovic on February 25 in which he said: "The Montenegrin prime minister’s interview to VREME is no sensation, especially not in Montenegro which sees the ferocity of political diversity as natural democratic maturity". The Pobjeda comment said the Djukanovic interview and expected response from the Belgrade state media "laid open the dilemma, especially topical since the sanctions were lifted, on the prospects on the FRY, Serbia and Montenegro". "Is that a continuation of the capricious lecturing of the West, preserving leadership positions at any cost and constant discoveries of foreign and domestic conspiracies or the opening of political and economic reforms?"

One part of the Pobjeda comment reflects a certain political depression: "Instead of a speedy integration with the world and start of a dialogue on the global policies of the US and the West, official Belgrade has fallen into barren debates on economic reforms, arguments with Washington and an incomprehensible ignoring of international and domestic statesmen in regard to the local elections. In that mood, reasonable advice and arguments on the very specific damages and political consequences of that behavior don’t seem to reach far enough and are even being used as the basis for the obligatory public condemnation of critics of the regime and Serbian president."

A letter from the Montenegrin PEN center said that further support by the Montenegrin leadership "to the despotism of Slobodan Milosevic and his wife is highly irresponsible and unacceptable" and that "the separation of Montenegro and Serbia is good for both states". It added that Montenegrin President Momir Bulatovic’s "fears and hesitation, demagogy and manipulation, nor longer have any reasons or meaning". The Montenegrin National Accord opposition coalition reacted quickly, denying Djukanovic’s right to speak of Milosevic while ignoring his own blame for what they did together. Coalition leaders Novak Kilibarda and Slavko Perovic called Bulatovic to take a stand in public. Kilibarda voiced suspicions that a new deal was being prepared and Perovic added that Djukanovic took over the main stands of his Montenegrin Liberal Alliance. Perovic added that Djukanovic did not do this for the good of Montenegro but to keep himself in power.

The question now is whether this political clash will escalate to a real state crisis or the political destruction of one side. Although they’re accomplices in the same destructive authorities, Milosevic and Djukanovic are not in equal positions. Milosevic has more power but his list of sins is greater. Formally, Djukanovic has started a new term in an insecure office while Milosevic is ending his term in office and for the first time in his political career he hasn’t held the initiative for over a year. Some analysts believe his political days are over.

The tone of a certain conciliatory supremacy can be seen in part of the Pobjeda comment: "The completely outdated style just strengthens doubts about the problems of political thought which sees the blade of a political terminator in every critical word".

Bulatovic sent a letter to US congressmen Bruce Vento and Nick Rahal saying it is his duty as Montenegrin president to cooperate with Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic regardless of the level of political agreement. After all, that is what Djukanovic said after all his criticism.