Final settlement

Following Svetozar Marovic's and Milo Djukanovic's public statements, President of Montenegro Momir Bulatovic is probably in a dilemma - whether t

o resign or endeavor to do his utmost, employing all means, to oust Djukanovic. Namely, by his own admission, he had already threatened his resignation at the famous session of DPS's main board: "I even offered my own resignation, in case my option does not win". In the Serbian state media that option was called "Defense of Yugoslavia", although it still hasn't been clarified what the members of the main board of Montenegro's ruling party had voted on. For now it is certain that the main board shall once again hold a discussion on the "disobedient prime minister" on Friday, April 11, which is when Bulatovic, as a "serious politician", as he had portrayed himself to the journalists, could turn another leaf... However, he is left with a third option as well - to publicly announce that he does not hold anything against his closest associate Milo Djukanovic, however Milosevic's commands must be observed and fourth, to quietly, without any fuss, join Milosevic in the federal bodies.

In the course of his visit to Bratislava, Prime Minister Djukanovic was clear: "Do I seem to be a person who is ready to retreat?" Prior to that, he even sent a letter to Momir Bulatovic, the DPS president (which is the form of address he adopted in it, author's note), in which he informed him that "with regards to the conclusions of DPS's main board on the necessary changes in the government of Montenegro, the government, observing its constitutional norms, has not adopted any stands." It was also estimated that in the given political context, some statements issued by its members could have caused certain political damage. He also confirmed that "one part of the government members have expressed their readiness to, with the Prime Minister's consent and in the interest of calming political tensions in the republic, endure all political consequences." "Naturally, according to the constitution, it is exclusively the right of the prime minister of the government to suggest changes in the government structure to the parliament of Montenegro," wrote Djukanovic. He adding that on that question, he had expressed his opinion in detail at the session of DPS's main board and that he deems that the consequences which emerged on account of certain government members' statements are not such as to implicitly suggest a necessity to have its structure changed.

It is obvious that Djukanovic is intending to pull the entire case away from closed party sessions. He was supported in this by the parliament speaker's Svetozar Marovic's statement that issues "cannot be resolved in a manner which has already been seen, as suggested by certain individuals." Marovic signs his announcement as a DPS vice-president as well, by which he lets it be known that he has not bid this function farewell. This statement was given following his discharge from the hospital, where he was in all likelihood admitted due to extremely grueling persuasions, primarily aimed at Bulatovic's camp, to lower the temperature and preserve party unity. VREME's sources close to Marovic claim that Marovic is persistent in salvaging what can be salvaged, and is dreading the DPS's collapse and a division of Montenegro to the north (Serbia-oriented) and the south (Independent Montenegro-oriented). Marovic was a lot fiercer at the main board than Djukanovic, as our sources claim, and it is in his nature to call for rationality and wisdom in resolving the conflict which, according to Marovic's estimate, does not even exist.

Marovic had rather precisely located the epicenter of the actual shakedown. He says he was convinced that no differences exist between Bulatovic and Djukanovic which cannot be surmounted, and that therefore not a single reason exists for a division and conflict within the DPS. This is especially true regarding the questions which initially figured as the basis of those non-surmountable differences between Bulatovic and Djukanovic. These differences occurred primarily over Yugoslavia, since an allegiance for a joint state with Serbia has been, according to Marovic, unanimously demonstrated. However, the state which is desired would be governed by strong democratic regulations and not by any individual's strong fist, in which laws would be observed instead of informal groups and family workshops.

Seeking a culprit for having allegedly abandoned the DPS program is also unacceptable for Marovic. He reminds that DPS's main board had greeted Djukanovic's acceptance of another mandate with applause, quoting President Momir Bulatovic's words on Djukanovic "who had prominently contributed to the realization of DPS's program, and is often left to wonder how such a young man has such strength." Marovic publicly states that such a government needs to be supported and not destabilized, that it needs to be aided with both support and criticism even at times when against both the government and the prime minister, a harsh and insulting campaign is conducted. No one is irreplaceable however, according to Marovic, assessments on the needs for changes should be arrived at via an argumented discussion and not by certain individuals' ultimatums.

The executive board did not discuss Marovic's stands, however it did touch upon Djukanovic's letter and estimated that the prime minister did not comply with party orders, so that a step backwards has been made compared to the announcement from the session of the main board, which shall after everything, adopt a final decision on Friday. Until then, talks shall be conducted in the headquarters - that is, in Niksic, Podgorica and Bijelo Polje. Talks shall be held with DPS activists or representatives, supposedly upon their request, as the executive board of the main board has announced, behind closed doors. Djukanovic insisted that those discussions be public to no avail. It is not known whose supporters are initiating those talks, nor what influence they can have on the main board's final decision.

It is ungrateful to predict such a decision in advance, since it is not known which new issue Bulatovic shall present for a vote. As he had categorically stated to the journalists, as party president he has the right to formulate a proposal for a decision, however at this moment it is unclear how the media racket - especially Belgrade state media - has influenced the members of the main board.

The events between the two sessions of the main board have laid bare that the goal of Bulatovic's operation was nothing other than to overthrow Djukanovic. For this purpose, the already tested tool of the anti-bureaucratic revolution was activated, along with the same reporters of Serbia's state media. Djukanovic was imputed with anti-Yugoslav sentiments, and following the session of the main board some reporters were already celebrating Djukanovic's collapse. They were not alone in this. Certain dignitaries from Bulatovic's camp joined the festivities. The imputed anti-Yugoslav sentiments did not supply sufficient reason for the Montenegrin citizens to rebel.

This is why the scenario was refreshed with a story on criminal activities in Montenegro. The verbal offense and disrespect for party orders have been cast aside. Features and commentaries about Djukanovic the "criminal" could be seen by Montenegrin citizens on channel two of Montenegro's television which RTS broadcasts as well. This was not enough for Emil Rabudovic, the editor of Montenegrin RTV's news desk and his order-issuing authorities. Therefore, following "viewers' requests", they re-ran it again the next day on channel one. The attempt to suggest to the public how Momir is launching a battle against criminal activities, as personified by Milo Djukanovic, is obvious. The Secretary for Information harshly reacted the next day. Their reactions were once again announced by Labudovic, without the usual comment. News leaked out from Montenegrin Television that the story was broadcasted following an order made by the editor-in-chief Vladimir Asanin, who jumped into that position following his previous one as Svetozar Marovic's chief of cabinet. The story goes on, as the same sources claim, to say that Asanin received orders from Predrag Bulatovic, the president of the TV board of directors and DPS MP chief, otherwise one of the most consistent Bulatovics in the clash with Djukanovic. Predrag Bulatovic is also the main informant of Belgrade state media reporters.

However, the question remains open as to how effective that campaign really is. Not a single graffiti for Bulatovic's support has been registered, while services in charge of wiping them off have their hands full with those which support Djukanovic and ridicule Bulatovic.

The Democratic Movement for Montenegro has still not been constituted so its leader is not known. However, this so-far phantom organization, as rumor has it, is preparing a large protest rally in Podgorica on Friday at the time when DPS's main board is to decide on subsequent measures for overthrowing Djukanovic and Marovic. The message "Slobo, Montenegro is not in your backyard" is appearing on facades throughout Montenegrin cities, while independent media is counting Bulatovic's all the more frequent flights to Belgrade.

Even the Montenegrin University has raised its voice. A Student Forum already exists, while the University Democratic Forum is being constituted which has announced a manifestation of the University's employees.

The manifestation of the University Forum advocates redefining the relations between Serbia and Montenegro, i.e. establishing those which shall enable each republic to attain its vital state interests without any hindrances.

The events at the University should not be underestimated by Bulatovic along with Djukanovic's concrete actions during the last few days. He attended a meeting where the agreement on establishing a Slovakian-Montenegrin company was signed in Bratislava, which shall transfer around 100 million dollars credit into Montenegro for the construction of coastal waterworks. That is the modus for generating capital in Montenegro and our sources are announcing a number of similar arrangements however, as they say, they shouldn't be made public now so as not to incite Slobodan Milosevic's wrath. It is not insignificant that the Montenegrin union has announced that it shall not make its opinion public yet it shall support those who stand for an openness towards the world. While postponing the final outcome, Bulatovic's arguments seem to be melting. The one about defending Yugoslavia has become transparent after Djukanovic's and Marovic's statements, and he himself has re-valorized it at the beginning by stating that no conflicts on that issue exist.