Following Orders From Belgrade

Prior to that they spent two fruitless hours in a smoke-filled room of the Serbian Cultural Center attempting to reach a resolution on calling local Serb elections by April 13. All discussions were more or less the same: were they to call elections for which, according to them, conditions do not exist, they will sorely regret it; were they not to call elections, they will also sorely regret it. Although the filet mignon did leave something to be desired, and the pancakes garnished with walnuts were excellent, there is no sure way to say whether a consensus existed on how good lunch was. From the hotel dining room with joined tables there is an open view of the Danube and of the shore of SR Jugoslavia on the opposite side, where without much effort one can imagine clustered refugee camps. There is also an open view to the ruins of Vukovar, the consequent uncertainty being so thick and heavy one can cut it with a knife.

RELATIONS: If one does not take notice of the "RSK" sticker on the shaded windows of the limousine of Goran Hadzic, former President of Krajina and active President of the Serbian Region, nothing in Vukovar any longer serves as a reminder of its former status as "the most westerly Serbian state". Even the advertisement at Tovarnik had been torn down.

For Hadzic and other members, it is undebatable that the region is now part of Croatia, with all that entails. There is widespread fear that the Serbian population will loose its majority in regional elections - above all in Vukovar. The principal source of that fear are the Croatian-issued i.d.'s dealt out to Serbs (without which they cannot vote), containing incorrect personal information or wrong place of residence - also the fact that many have not received i.d.'s, that voters lists do not carry their names, etc.

A refugee at a local market, giving back change to an UN soldier, explains the basic problem: "In Osijek, where I come from, there are only 3% Serbs remaining. They are somehow no longer Serbs - they have been completely assimilated, avoiding problems, but also lacking rights. Were we to become a majority when this becomes Croatia and when the Hercegovinians arrive, we could still get by somehow. If nothing else, a man finds it easier when surrounded by his people." It was possible to hear many things at the market about the Serbian leaders and their gurus in Belgrade.

"A few nights ago Miroslav Keravica said that the city of Vukovar was earning up to 5,000,000 DEM per day. Where has all that money gone?", a voice questions, coming from behind a cigarette stall with an imposing amount of that product.

Still, all those who were questioned by "Vreme" at the market produced their Croatian i.d.'s and all promised to vote for the same people, i.e. the candidates of the recently-founded Serbian Independent Democratic Faction (SDSS). As the elections in Eastern Slavonia preclude another census, even the biggest "traitors and foreign sycophants" can count 100% on the votes of local Serbs. Just as nobody had difficulties coming to the podium at the sitting of the local Parliament, being allowed to say whatever they wanted and for however long they wanted, so according to the admission of Dr. Vojislav Stanimirovic, President of SDSS, President of the local Executive Council and carrier of all lists, the 610 candidates on all levels had been established with no small amount of difficulty.

"Serbs never miss a chance to miss a chance", said Jacques Paul Klein, Chief of the Transitional Administration. The dithering around the calling of the elections on April 13 should be understood in that context. The leaders of Eastern Slavonia had let a whole year and a half pass by since the Erudt Agreement: they did not take part in the administration of the elections, and did not call on their electorate in time to get their Croatian i.d.'s. SDSS had literally called their candidates at the last moment, and the local media had still not begun transmitting elections ads. As it was stated at the sitting of the Parliament, those ads do exist, but as no resolution had been arrived at regarding the calling of the elections, they can not reach their

intended public. The deadline for getting Croatian i.d.'s was up on April 7. In front of one of the offices issuing the i.d.'s, next to a UN transport vehicle, people were standing in lines. They were not very chatty. Nearly all of them were certain of voting, but could not say one way or another whether they will remain in the region following the elections.

While the electorate was occupied with such matters, their leaders were working behind the scenes. Among other things, on April 6 a referendum was organized on the question of unifying Slavonia, as opposed to its present division into two districts. Everyone was aware that the referendum result would not be accepted by anyone, and that it would not even call to answer its organizers.

Faced with the inevitable (i.e. the elections) the members were unable to reach a resolution at the sitting of the Parliament. After much wrangling they managed to agree that they will call elections under three conditions. First, that Chief Klein permit voting rights to all local residents who have lived in the region since 1991, with or without new Croatian i.d.'s - i.e. that documents of old SR Croatian be admitted as sufficient identification at the ballot box. Second, that refugees with Croatian documents, as well as those who have asked for them, be included in the voters' lists in their current places of residence. Local councils have promised to make all required lists within 48 hours. Finally, and it seems most importantly, a request has been put through to the President of Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic, for another lex specialis permitting dual citizenship to Serbs in Slavonia, regardless of talks being held with Croatia.

The deadline for fulfilling these conditions is set for April 11, 11:00 a.m., the time of the next Parliamentary sitting in Beli Manastir, at which the question of calling the elections will again be taken up. Klein has already met with Stanimirovic and Hadzic, having extended the deadline for receiving i.d.'s right up to the day of the elections. Both Stanimirovic and Hadzic accepted this motion. What remains are the questions of refugees' voters lists, and the reaction of Milosevic. It has been learned that Milosevic promised Hadzic and Dr. Stanimirovic at a meeting in Karadjordjevo on April 6, that the question of dual citizenship will be settled; at the same time he urged Serbs, despite everything, to show up at the elections.

To the question what will happen if these conditions are not met, Hadzic curtly told "Vreme" that elections will not be held, adding immediately: "But I didn't tell you that".

This statement sums up the political situation and Serbian backtracking in Eastern Slavonia and Vukovar several days before the elections. The general opinion is that Serbs will vote - if for nothing else, then only for what was often stated at the Parliamentary sitting: "Up to now we always listened to Belgrade, and Belgrade now tells us to participate in the elections". The relatively long, gradual process of transferring this region to complete Croatian control, and the diplomatic initiatives of SR Jugoslavia which strive to fulfill in as much as possible the demands of the local Serbs, reflect the extent to which the local regime wants to avoid another flood of refugees from Sarajevo. If for no other reason, then simply because for the Serbs of Eastern Slavonia there are no places like Brcko or Srebrenica where they can settle. The new caravans of refugees in the election year show the extent to which the Agreement of Special and Parallel Associations with the Republic are mere smoke.

According to Kaufman, UN will cease all its operations to ensure that the elections occur without incidents. All policemen and soldiers under Chief Klein's control will be responsible for peace and order. In this context, there should not be unrest. As for the regularity of the elections results, Klein has one month to declare the elections regular.