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May 20, 2000
. Vreme News Digest Agency No 439
Political Abuse of a Death

Amalgam Theory

by Nenad Stefanovic

It appears that someone in the government thought that the death of Bosko Perosevic could be an opportune and very logical occasion for confronting political adversaries.  Only several hours following the murder of this high official, the public was already flooded with announcements that indicated obvious political calculations and an intention to make use of a tragic incident, long before any official results of the investigation had been made public.  It appears that someone hastily concluded that the single bullet fired into the forehead of the President of the Executive Council of Vojvodina could be used to kill off a lot more with it: for instance, to ban the organization Resistance which is spreading as an idea with fairly unpleasant and uncontrollable speed (for the regime itself); to give support to the political indictment against the "traitorous and unpatriotic opposition"; to close down the media which do not suit the government; and, if we get lucky, to institute martial law (for an unspecified period of time), which would put an end to all stories about an election.  It seems that someone had the impression that the potential for the exploitation of this murder is far greater than the potential of previous similar cases, for in this instance, for the first time the murder took place virtually before TV cameras, with the murderer being arrested several minutes after.

All this was done in much the same way as has been done thus far: the indictments were drawn up by politicians who left the police, the investigating officers and the prosecution without any work with their definitive statements and opinions about this murders (according to the principle of being one's own detective).  The political implications of Perosevic's murder and the initial indications of whose signature is (not "could be") behind it were announced on the commemorative meeting which included the highest officials in the country.  Several hours later, that is to say 24 hours later, a press conference was given by the Federal Minister of Information who did not leave any doubt as to who organized, paid for, inspired and ultimately killed the high government official.  Two days later, the Federal Minister of Telecommunication called on responsible authorities and prosecutors to get to work and to take legal steps for protecting the state and all its citizens from "Fascist groups."  And before he had even called on them to do this, the police began barging into people's homes; fairly uncontrolled arrests began, interrogations and fairly specific "inciting of fear" with a nearly elated exuberance in the invention of a multicolored enemy.  Since the logical succession of events has been abandoned here a long time ago, now it will be interesting to see which police official could avoid protecting the state when the politicians in power announced in such clear terms what needs to be done and who needs to be arrested, and had carried out the investigation in his place, before it was possible to even carry out any investigation.  And who will be the medical doctor who, even if he finds out one day that the murdered is insane, whether he will have the courage to certify this, especially since politicians in power stated unequivocally that an isolated maniac and a desperate man is not at all at issue here, nor is there any question of a revenge.

Even though this government's officials often pose as the sole proprietors of truth in Serbia, not allowing for any doubt in their announcements, a lot of what was said in the political investigation, which took place long before the actual police investigation, can be included under mere propaganda nonsense, a lot sooner then under any argument which "holds water."  This especially holds true for the "amalgam theory" where the personality of the murderer is hoisted with so many things.  And since so much is in connection with so much else, it all appears to be nonsense.  This "amalgam theory" was used recently when the terrorist group Spider was discovered, and when it was explained that its members are connected simultaneously with Dodik, Djukanovic, Tachi, Mobutho, foreign secret services and God knows what else.

Milivoje Gutovic, the man who killed Bosko Perosevic, has thus far been described as a sympathizer of the Serbian Renewal Movement and an activist of the Resistance.  As was explained, his idol was Michael Borman whom he admired.  He had contacts with foreigners and had strange sexual habits.  He did not know the man he killed (Perosevic), even though they lived in the same village, nearly door to door(!); one of his interests was parapsychology; he had the floor plan of the facility in which he fired the deadly shot, and in his spare time he read the pamphlet "Terrorism - A Form of Special Warfare, Who Killed Aldo More" in which the structure of the Red Brigades is explained.  And despite all these details which were announced to journalists 24 hours after the murder, it is difficult to find any serious arguments in what has been offered to the public thus far which would show that Gutovic is a sophisticated, professional killer who was lead by some skilled conspiratorial hand.

Perhaps all this is an accident, but two days prior to Bosko Perosevic's murder at the Novi Sad Faire, President of the Serbian Parliament, Dragan Tomic, mentioned the Red Brigades at a session of the SPS Municipal Council, concluding that the Resistance, "as a terrorist organization which prepares terrorist acts" has been founded by the same people (Democratic Party President Zoran Djindjic) who used to be members of the Red Brigades.  Later, however, it turned out that the murderer, Gutovic, is an SPO supporter who read at home all the books favored by the Red Brigades.  It seems superfluous to observe that it is only logical for someone who works in the security of the Novi Sad Fair for over ten years should have the floor plan of the place he guards.  How is it possible that the people who organized Gutovic's murder did not plan an escape route for the murdered (as was the case in all previous assassinations where no murderers were discovered), but put the gun in the hands of 50-year-old Gutovic, who is so agile that he tripped over accidental bystanders.  Why, if his arrest was expected, did the people who hired him not clean his house from propaganda materials and various pamphlets which "unequivocally point" to the signs of powerful organizations and instigators?  How is it possible that a man who was observed putting up posters from the Resistance throughout Novi Sad was allowed to keep his job as a security man of a state institution without having any problems, when it is known that in such places it is not even advisable to read opposition newspapers, let alone be a member of the Resistance of the SPO?  If the Service knew what Dragan Tomic knew, that the Resistance is getting ready for "terrorist acts", if it knew that Gutovic, as a member of that organization is putting up posters from that organization and is armed - then how come was he permitted to stand only several feet from the highest officials at the Novi Sad Fair?  Here is sufficient reason for the people who are in charge of such a Security Service and who know all this, to submit an immediate resignation, and not just because the opposition demands this, but because the illegitimate children of the Red Brigades managed to pass unnoticed right in front of them.

All attempts by various officials to explain the murder of Bosko Perosevic (especially by those officials whose job has nothing to do with such explanations) have left behind them not just holes, but entire craters of irrationality, and point to the conclusion that someone here is in a hurry to envelop a tragic death with political robes, and without any solid evidence, trying on the basis of this to take care of many other issues at the same time.  In a state in which officials really do their jobs, even if it they are the highest state officials, they should not be allowed to make such heavy accusations lightly and to use such heavy words that can lead to murder, as was seen.  Nor should it be possible for officials to offer rotten accusations instead of condolences and dignified respect, all of which gives credence to the opinion expressed by Nebojsa Covic, President of the Democratic Alternative, who claims that the ground is being set here for the instituting of martial law, as a kind of undeclared war that will be waged against the people themselves.

At a time when Slobodan Milosevic consolidated power in Serbia and when the clenched fist was only the symbol for the congress of his party and not of "Fascist threats from foreign sycophants," and when gatherings in the streets were legitimate, glorious and dignified, and not "unpatriotic acts", that is to say when the famous "anti-bureaucratic revolution" was being directed toward other republics in the former Yugoslavia so that the people there would have their eyes opened in "meetings of truth" (at that time meetings were not called "traveling circuses"), one of the favorite expressions at the time was "Not even a truncheon is of any use when the people are being lied to."  The situation in Serbia now is hard to compare to the one ten years ago, when this slogan was current (since the "anti-bureaucratic revolution" we have gotten to the point of political, economic and moral impoverishment), but the same people who are issuing orders of "hold the truncheon" should be reminded of the fact that force and deception are of little value together.  Or perhaps it is to late for such reminders, for when nonsense becomes official state policy, then everything becomes smooth and logical for the supporters of such policies.

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