The Vaudeville Goes On

The story concerning the initiation by the Federal Presidency of the dismissal of premier Markovic, to later on Thursday block it, does not even come close to the bravura of the mentioned author. The fact that Branko Kostic on November 15 at the session of Federal Parliament (or, rather, what's left of it) has requested that Markovic finally be removed from his post of the President of the Federal Executive Council did not surprise anyone. The vice-president announced this as soon as the so- called Presidency proclaimed the immediate war danger since such a situation enables the collective head of state to remove from office federal and republic organs according to his fancy. This in effect means that the Presidency did not need the authority of the parliament for Markovic's dismissal, but it could safely be assumed that the Parliament was involved to give the air of democratic concern to the finale of the chase on the premier. There was no danger of further surprises in the Parliament, since the legality of the incomplete Federal Parliament was being finalized in that period. The scenario of the democratic procedure in the state which is neither here nor there looks as follows: Branko Kostic comes to the session of the incomplete Federal Parliament and , as usual, gives an expose where he concludes that "the safety and the survival of Yugoslavia as the federal unit is now under direct threat" and that "the Yugoslav political crisis has assumed dangerous proportions" and that "the highest state organs are required to exhibit a high degree of responsibility, determination, principality and a clear direction in the resolving of the crisis". The Federal Executive Council was then accused of not having taken the steps to prevent "the massive arms imports and the spreading of the war conflict" and at the same time maintained that "the Federal Army should be preserved as the only legal and legitimate armed force". When Kostic has said all this the Council of the remaining republics and autonomous regions has decided to, without the previous announcement of that agenda issue, and even without debate to withdraw the confidence to Markovic and Budimir Loncar. At the same time"the Presidency was asked to consider the functioning of the Federal Executive Council and premier Ante Markovic and suggest a new mandator to the Parliament". That same day the Presidency obliged to the Assembly of republics and autonomous regions and gave the announcement where they have promised to "according to their rights and obligations" start the procedure "for assessing the suggestion of the candidate for the new president". The Federal Government session dealing with the dismissal of Markovic was scheduled for November 21. Mr. Kostic, however, could not resist, despite his democratic profile to, in the interview to radio "Politika" explain that it should be remembered that he, Jovic, Bajramovic and another Kostic do represent the supreme authority. It went as follows: the Presidency again did not want to use the authority it had but "has left to the Federal Parliament to see to it". More precisely, "the Federal Executive Council was left to decide on Thursday on deciding whether to recall the premier or not", and unless, by some strange manoeuvre this is not carried out - "the whole thing is very clear", or "the Presidency will use its authority at the time of the imminent war danger and will pass a decision provided by the authority of the Federal Presidency". Naturally, the rumours concerning his successor were started. Kostic has once again exhibited his taste for speculation, this time concerning the "secret personality" game. At the rally of the Serbian Democratic Party for Serbia, he has explained that "it would be realistic to presume that the ruling parties will have more influence" (on the government structure); that the new premier will be "someone from Serbia with some experience in these affairs". In the next two days, however, something strange is beginning to happen. Despite the need for "the responsibility, determination, principality and clear direction", the Presidency has not named and experienced Serb who will take over the government. On Thursday morning the affairs in Parliament were looking decidedly fishy. The beginning of the Federal Government session was being postponed forever in the atmosphere which was a mere imitation of the time when that Parliament used to mean something , the "corridor stories"have offered the following information. Dr Borisav Jovic and dr Branko Kostic, who usually see eye to eye had a different conception of what makes "an experienced Serb". It seems that Mr. Jovic has initiated an idea that it would be much better for a Moslem to occupy the post of the premier. Notwithstanding the initiator of this ides, one of the Moslem MPs has confirmed in an informal talk that "they have asked him in the corridor whether he would agree for a Moslem to become a premier", even mentioning "a certain name". Since one of the dilemmas that morning in the Parliament was what does Serbia at all want-to attract the Macedonians and the Muslims to participate in the decision-making process in the incomplete Parliament or to expel them for good, we have asked why did proposal referred to a Moslem and not to a Macedonian. We were told that this is because "Macedonia is of no importance for Great Serbia". So a Moslem premier would in a way make the Moslem nation stay in the incomplete Yugoslavia. Other sources confirm that one of the people in the game for a premier was the famous Fikret Abdic, the legendary director of the "Agrokomerc" (the agricultural industrial complex) from the Bosnian town of Velika Kladusa, who is now the vice President of the Party of Democratic Action (the Moslem national party) and the member of the Bosnian Presidency, who, three years ago stood the trial for "the counter-revolutionary tendencies and the undermining of the socio-economic system". We have found out that the possible reason for involving Abdic into the game is that, according to some information, has the role of the mediator between the military authorities and the Bosnian leadership (he has recently met with general NIkola Uzelac). The Army, as you will recall has developed an aversion to Ante Markovic, since he is considered by them to be the "traitor supreme". But for some strange reason "the project Moslem" has for now failed. We learn in Sarajevo that Abdic has nothing to do with the story. The Federal Executive Council has resumed its session after there hours. First the work of the incomplete Federal Government was proclaimed legitimate, and it would be interesting to note that the Bosnia proposal on the voting procedure was accepted (more votes are needed for deciding on the sensitive issues) - which was flatly rejected the day before. There was a short debate on whether or not to put Markovic on the agenda to then finally giving unconvincing explanations postpone the dismissal of Markovic for next week. The intriguing part is that the so-called Presidency did not make use of its "constitutional authority" and as Kostic promised, just dismiss Markovic. Why did Kostic and his associates so clumsily detracted from their traitor hunt? One of the possible reasons is certainly represented by the strong international pressure, which, it seems, they did not bargain for. Five EC countries are rumoured to have announced the recall of the ambassadors from Belgrade in case the government is repealed by illegal means. There was talk of the blocking of the Yugoslav foreign exchange reserves abroad with the simultaneous request for the payment of foreign debts. The threat of sending the foreign fleet to the Adriatic has suddenly sprung up. And one day the public will come to know the contents of the talks between Kostic, MIlosevic and Markovic concerning their initiative for the repeal of Markovic.